Monday, September 23, 2013

International Relations Response Paper

Rory McClurg
GVPT200
     The world has no overarching authority to arbitrate and solve problems, thus the world is in anarchy. With this fact established, states, much like people, all act in their own best interest. In an unforgiving world, a realist style agenda is the most dominant form of foreign policy in the realm of world politics. This idea has been reflected in international politics, United States foreign policy, and the trends of dominant states.
     Realists would say that the motive behind every decision a state makes in the international political scene is to further what they call, “the national interest.” In addition, they believe cooperation is virtually impossible. This notion is completely confirmed by the creation of the United Nations, which is supposed to represent all countries, but instead favors just the powerful ones. During the creation of the UN, a security council tasked with international peace and security, basically meaning everything involving the military. The Security Council was established with five permanent members, the most powerful nations in the world at the time, and ten members who are elected serve two-year terms. These ten other members are just for show. The only states who have real power are the five permanent members, who have veto powers. This is true because each of the top players at creation of the United Nations, China, France, Russia, Great Britain, and the US were all looking to give themselves as much of an upper hand as possible militarily. Military power is a fundamental aspect of realism; and this Security Council reinforces how important military power is to the nations of the world. This fact furthers the argument of the dominance of realism in the world of international politics.
     The United States foreign policy post 1950 is based on the concept of relative power and dominance. The US was locked in a brutal cold war, pitting the two global hegemons against the each other, each trying to become the world’s dominant power.  The US took every possible opportunity to weaken the Soviet Union. The idea of relative power dictated the US foreign policy so much, that the US would take a loss as long as it caused a bigger loss for the Soviet Union. During the Soviet-Afghan war, the US provided the mujahideen, an untrustworthy “ally” to say the least, with millions of dollars worth of weapons, a relative loss for the US. As a direct consequence to this action, the Soviet Union started to lose this war, ultimately, one of the reasons for the dissolution of the Soviet State. With the absence of the USSR, the US became the most dominant power in the world economically and militarily. The United States foreign policy reflects the dominance of the realist policy, and the importance of the power.
     The fact that military strength and security is equivalent to dominance is no secret. Most of the successful dominant powers turn their national economic opulence into massive upsizing of the military, solidifying their status as a dominant power. The importance of the military is a static element of the most important states in world history, from the time of the Romans unto the present. To be considered a dominant power, one must be militarily strong. The Romans turned their economic dominance into military power, highlighting the importance of security and protection of their economic assets, or as some would say, their national interest. The same is true with Great Britain during their era of dominance, they realized that in order to be dominant and protect the national interest they must maintain a massive military, the same can be said for the US.

     In conclusion, the structure of the current UN, the dominance of the United States, and the common trends of dominant states throughout history all reaffirm the fact that a realist style of policy will always be the most dominant.

Artem Muchnik

Mark Shirk
GVPT200
Response paper #1: Six Principles of Political Realism by Hans J. Morgenthau

Of the different political theories, I personally think that Morgenthau’s theory of political realism is one of the most sensible approaches to politics in the current world, even though that approach is slightly outdated. With the theory of realism it is possible one of the safest ways to approach politics in the current world because of all the current conflicts going on in the world; and the theory of realism revolving around such concepts as power, security and states in anarchy. Realism in my opinion is possibly the most successful theory due to the idea of self-help for the government. In the reading Hans Morgenthau clearly demonstrates why Realism is possibly the most sensible way to live by for a state by using the six principles of realism.
Principle one states that, “Political realism believes that politics, like society in general, is governed by objective laws that have their roots in human nature.” In my opinion meaning that in order to function properly the laws governing the state have to be reasonable, and in the society’s favor. The second principle of realism is more openly interpreted as it has to do with the power of the state; and in order to succeed in international politics it is important to have interest defined in terms of power. “We assume that statesmen think and act in terms of interest defined as power” I assume that means that the statesmen are more concerned with the power aspect of politics in order to maintain the security of the state. The third principle of political realism is similar to the second one in terms of power; but its other important point is that power isn’t always the fixed concept once and for all. In the fourth principle Morgenthau states, “Political realism is aware of the moral significance of political action” which means that it is important for the states’ government to address problems in a rational and moral way. The fifth principle correlates with the fourth and is that in political realism the states will not disclose their real moral aspirations. Finally the sixth principle finishes off by stating, “He thinks in terms of interest defined as power” when addressing the political realist.
For example in the current world and the conflict in Syria, a realist approach is probably the more rational way to deal with it. Although the president of Syria could justify his actions under a political theory, in our political view it is immoral; and the USA’s involvement would not be the best approach due to the fact that it would possibly arise more problems for the USA, although if we followed the self-help approach and avoided this conflict I presume we might be better off.
Overall, the concept of realism might be outdated, but in my opinion its one of the most plausible theories due to the fact that it creates a more secure environment for the state, and since security is equivalent to physical survival it is an important theory to employ for the state’s prosperity. 
Dana Kravitz
Mark Shirk
GVPT200

Feminism
            In J. Ann Tickner’s, A Critique of Morgenthau’s Principles of Political Realism she explores Morgenthau’s realist perspective and compares it to her own feminist perspective. Tickner feels that the feminist viewpoint is more representative of the world, and I have to agree.  In the beginning of the paper Tickner lists the six principles that Morgenthau lays out in his writing and at the end of the paper she parallels this with six principles of her feminist theories of international relations. By comparing the two it is clear that Tickner’s principles, that include both masculine and feminine perspectives, are the more modern idea.
            The first principle of realism is that “politics, like society in general, is governed by objective laws that have their roots in human nature.” The feminist viewpoint argues that this objectivity only focuses on the “masculine view of human nature.” And because human nature is made up of both feminine and masculine, the realist principle does not work. I believe this exemplifies how realists are inhibiting themselves by only thinking about a small part of the population.
            The next realist principle is that “political realism stresses the rational, objective, and unemotional.” But, the Tickner argues, that world “demands cooperative rather than zero sum solutions.” In a world where nuclear war is a possibility with the world’s strong powers, it is important to work together rather than just jump into war. I think it is unrealistic for Morgenthau to think that there can be no emotion to go into international relations. Whether he likes it or not, everyone has a moral code and the feminist view balances both this idea with the idea of being a strong power.
            The realist perspective only sees power as “control of man over man” This “ignores the idea of collective empowerment” that the feminist principles point out. The world rules do not have to be if one country gains the other must loose. In todays world there can multiple benefactors to a countries gains. The EU is a great example of how different states can work together and not fight to be the most powerful but instead support each other.
            Realist principles explain that though they see that there is a moral code they think it is necessary to separate this from political action. Tickner disagrees with this because she feels both are important. I think that though it is important for a state to make political gains and show their political power it is also important, especially as a democratic state, to take action because it is the right thing to do. For example, though going into Syria would show the worlds powers that the U.S. is not a force to mess with, it is also important to intervene because so many civilians are dying. This conflict shows the balance between masculine and feminine ideals that a state should have.
            Though, feminist see that not all states follow the same moral code, they believe that most states do follow “universal moral principles” and these principles can lead to “de-escalating international conflict and building international community.” Realists refuse to see international relations having anything to so with morals. The feminist perspective is definitely more accurate and positive. The realist perspective expects the worst out of states. Instead, the feminist perspective acknowledges that though not all states have the same morals, it also sees a way to better the world rather than to stubbornly stick with how they have always been.
            Morgenthau’s final principle the political sphere should be autonomous and that a “political man” would be the ideal ruler because he would “be completely lacking moral constraints.” Tickner believes that this view “excludes the concerns and contributions of women. I believe that to think of a state, as being completely autonomous is unrealistic. Not only is this a completely masculine view, but also states depend on other states all the time. It is important for a state to create allies and relationships with other states. Though I agree that ones own state must come first, I think that being autonomous is a bad strategy for international relations.
            Through the comparison of Morgenthau’s and Tickner’s six principles of international relations, it is clear to me that feminism is in fact the more “realistic” view and realism is the short-sided view of the past.





Response Paper #1: Mearsheimer p. 29-54


Jessie Latter
GVPT200
23 September 2013
Offensive Realism
          In chapter two of John Mearsheimer’s book, “Anarchy and the Struggle for Power”, the reader is exposed to his main argument defending offensive realism by saying that states pursue relative power because they are in anarchy and are motivated by survival (Mearsheimer 54). After reading the chapter from Mearsheimer’s book, I agree with his argument because I can sympathize with the situation states are in since they are always in fear of what other states might do and that acting aggressively through the building up of their military is just a precaution and necessary for survival.
          Mearsheimer is taking a stance on the debate of what IR relations theory should be used to analyze how states interact or should interact by defending realism and introducing this idea of offensive realism. Realism is a black and white way of explaining international relations, which is why it makes sense that many critics of it say it is to pessimistic, but Mearsheimer defense of realism almost makes the reader reconsider their opinion of it. Realists think states are the most important players and disregard the individual, but this inevitable power struggle that states are stuck in makes the reader begin to sympathize with their situation and see them less as a military body and more as an individual struggling to stay afloat amongst hundreds of other individuals who all fear for their survival. Agreeing with Mearsheimer argument defending realism does not necessarily mean that I agree with realism over other theories like liberalism and constructivism, but he makes several points that, if looked at objectively and unbiased, logically explains the power struggle that states are facing when trying to become hegemons.
          Although I do agree with Mearsheimer’s argument, I still think that realists need to reconsider the idea that states are always in anarchy because from a liberal’s perspective, cooperation between institutions can solve the problem of the power struggle that states face. For the past decade America has been building up its military power because of the war on terror and 9/11. The United States has the largest military in the world now and is intervening in Middle Eastern countries because they are afraid of getting attacked again and there is no governing body stopping them, although people say that is the United Nation’s job. If the United States aligned with other European or Middle Eastern countries and cooperated, instead of using military force to intervene in countries like Iraq and Afghanistan, the anarchic system could be solved and states could realize that absolute gains are more important then relative gains.
          I agree with Mearsheimer’s argument defending realism on the basis that states are forced to act aggressively because they are stuck in a state of anarchy and fear for their survival, but I find flaws in the other aspects of realism and therefore still agree with the theory of liberalism over realism.





Work Cited
Mearsheimer, John J. "Anarchy and the Struggle for Power." The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. New York: Norton, 2001. 29-54. Print.

Jack Murphy
Mr. Shirk
International Relations
23 September 2013
The Question of Motives and Morality
            When discussing international relations and foreign policy, political realism is a good starting point. In Hans Morgenthau’s, Six Principles of Political Realism, he stresses the importance of having rational beliefs, being truly objective, being unemotional and unsympathetic. Morgenthau states, “To search for the clue to foreign policy exclusively in the motives of statesmen is both futile and deceptive” (pg.8), meaning that motives for political action are irrelevant. To this point, I partially disagree because I believe understanding a statesman’s motives should play a role when making political decisions.
            For example, in Syria, President Bashar al-Assad used chemical weapons against his own people. This in itself would be enough information for Realists to take political action against the Assad regime. However, I believe that the motive of the Syrian army is significant because it answers questions of morality of the act. In this case, the Syrian army used sarin gas that left hundreds of innocent people, including children, dead, to try to remove the rebels from the capital in Damascus, making this act immoral. When a motive is established, it supports a case against the violators of human rights. It ostensibly reduces the egregious governments denial of any wrongdoing. It is similar to establishing a motive in the judicial system.
            Morgenthau also stated that, “Both individual and the state must judge political action by the universal moral principles, such as liberty” (pg.12). This seems to be conflicting with the idea that the motive of a statesmen is not important, since you would need to look deeper into the motive to understand if an action is moral or not, and whether or not liberty, for example, has been violated, as in the case of Syria. Morgenthau also states that, “There can ne no political morality without prudence; that is, without consideration of the political consequences of seemingly moral action” (pg.11), also seeming to conflict the idea of motives not being important.
            Realism primarily looks at the competitive side of international relations. I believe we must look beyond ourselves, and our borders and look to help those that are powerless, those that our victims. Knowing the motives of certain statesmen will help create a more solid, well-rounded foreign policy. We cannot just look at the bottom line, as Morgenthau argues, we need to see the full scope of the governments in question. Uncovering the motives of statesmen brings up question of morality that may change the course of action of our government. While motive should not be used exclusively, it certainly warrants significant consideration.






Work Cited
Morgenthau, Hans J. "Six Principles of Political Realism." Power and Principle in Statecraft. New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978. 7-14. Print.

Sunday, September 22, 2013


Whitney Lazo
            In a world where states are at constant risk of being attacked, it is more logical to support realism. Hans J. Morgenthau clearly demonstrates the reasons why realism is the most sensible theory in Six Principles of Political Realism. It is the safest way for a state to live by and guarantees survival due to the practice of self-help. Realism is also the simplest and most successful theory for states because of the basic values of relative power and security that it entails. There are many more detailed motives for why realism accumulates the most prosperity.
            Some may argue realism is pessimistic or selfish. However, in this dangerous world, diplomacy will not lead to serenity. Realism may be inconsiderate to other states at times, but that is the only way a state can ensure its own protection. This way, as a state gains more stability, other states will weaken, giving a greater advantage to the more stable state. It is unsafe to have such a positive outlook on foreign policy because it causes vulnerability. In addition, reasoning with other states in order to find a mutual benefit is not trustworthy. Realism allows a state to take care of its own people. Having the citizens of a state be a priority is favorable because there will be no time or goods wasted on others. This maximizes the success of the state. Therefore, having interests for ones state only, creates domination, as Max Weber states.[1]
            One reason why it is not safe to depend on another state for well-being is because one can never know the true motives of other states.[2] For example, the Munich Agreement allowed Nazi Germany to annex areas of Czechoslovakia in order to appease Adolf Hitler and his desire to expand. Although Germany and France made this compromise in order to avoid war, Hitler ignored the agreement.[3] This is one prime example in history of why actors cannot trust others, as it is impossible to determine true intentions. Even if a statesman appears to have honorable morals, their foreign policy may lack similar qualities.[4] It is more practical to treat all other states as enemies rather than allies. As Niccolò Machiavelli said, “It would be best to be both loved and feared. But since the two rarely come together, anyone compelled to choose will find greater security in being feared than in being loved.”[5]
            Realism is also a reliable theory because of the verification of facts according to reason. When giving meaning to facts, realists wisely consider the foreign policy of statesmen. This theory distinguishes what is the truth and what is an opinion.[6] This is important because opinions are not always correct they are just mere feelings. Realists strongly examine the most practical and authentic options of foreign policy in order to find the most success and security. This way, a state does not have to deal with emotion, just facts.
            Realism is the most rational theory due to the way states protect themselves by always being cautious and aggressive towards other states. Realists see the world how it actually is, rather than what other people unrealistically desire. With this theory, there is a distinction between what is appealing and what is truly possible. All principles of realism are clearly practical and the most sensible.
           



[1] Marianne Weber, Max Weber (Tuebingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1926), pp. 347-8.
[2] Hans J. Morgenthau, Power and Principle in Statecraft: Six Principles of Political Realism (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978), pp. 8-9
[3] Cole, Robert A. "Appeasing Hitler: The Munich Crisis of 1938: A Teaching and Learning Resource," New England Journal of History (2010) 66#2 pp 1–30.
[4] Hans J. Morgenthau, Power and Principle in Statecraft: Six Principles of Political Realism (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978), pp. 9
[5] Niccolò Machiavelli, The Prince, p. 60
[6] Hans J. Morgenthau, Power and Principle in Statecraft: Six Principles of Political Realism (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978), pp. 7-8